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 Ice
Cube 
 "If
you don't think of Cubans or Iraqis as actual human beings with jobs
and day-to-day lives, if you don't see them or hear their voices, then
it's easier to be against them. They're faceless. It's a tried-and-true
way of dealing with people or nations that the ruling elite finds troublesome
or inconvenient, whether it's Native Americans, Germans, Russians, Iraqis,
Cubans, even the French -- whoever gets in our way. They're simply lumped
into the enemy pile. " "It's
also directly because of 2000 that people are more active. Everyone
that was pushed to the brink of sanity is going, "What the fuck? We
can't let this happen again."
 "It's
a sad ending, to be sure, but it may be just what the doctor ordered.
If this whole experience -- the rape accusations, the internal squabbling,
the ego explosions, the Zen hypocrisy -- doesn't teach Los Angeles
that it takes a team to make it happen in the end, then nothing ever
will."
 "Gregory
La Cava is probably the greatest classic Hollywood director still
in need of rediscovery. The man W. C. Fields called the best comedy
mind in Hollywood is virtually forgotten today."
 "You
need gas money and a car that works. Of course, my preference is to
do it in the middle of the night! Leave them little presents, you
know what I'm saying? Like the Easter bunny." "The
surreal-ists wouldn't know what to do with Harvey Birdman. Its ingenious brand of adult animation owes as much to absurdists like Ionesco and Duchamp as it does to Bugs Bunny."  "North
Korea will conduct its first test of a nuclear bomb, and the Bush
Administration will respond by putting Kim Jong Il on the Federal
Do Not Call list."
 "Carbs
are the new terror-ists. Bread is the new Bin Laden. I can't wait
to order a low-carb veggie Whopper. People are pathetic."
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by Arianna Huffington The choice of John Edwards as No. 2 on the Democratic ticket is the first great decision of the Kerry presidency — a mature, self-confident choice that bodes well for the Kerry campaign as it kicks into high gear. It wasn't based on looking at a map and trying to figure out who could deliver the most Electoral College votes. It wasn't based on whom Kerry felt most comfortable hanging out with. It was based on who was the best choice for the country. Instead of picking a running mate who had the strongest resume on paper, Kerry picked the one who had the strongest vision for the country — a vision that can help Kerry bring heart and soul back to American politics. Judging by the
hysterical reaction of the GOP, there are many things about John Edwards
sending a cold shiver down Karl Rove's reptilian spine. Here are five:
One. He can help Kerry make this campaign about what kind of America we want to live in -- a campaign not just about policies and programs but about our fundamental values as a country. Throughout his primary
campaign, Edwards showed an uncanny ability to frame his positions in
the language of morality and traditional American values.
"I believe we can build a better life for our families," he said during a Democratic primary debate. "But it has to be based on the values of hard work and responsibility, not accounting tricks and corporate greed. I want to bring your values, the values of Main Street America, to Wall Street and then to Pennsylvania Avenue. I want to give this White House back to the American people." This is a linguistic battlefield that has been dominated by the right since the 1960s. Edwards' ability to speak to core American ideals like hard work, fairness, faith and family -- the values that built America -- will help Kerry reclaim key words and concepts like "morality" and "responsibility" from the recklessly irresponsible and grossly immoral GOP. It's not by accident that this is the first quality Kerry cited when announcing Edwards as his running mate: "John understands and defends the values of America. He has shown courage and conviction as a champion for middle-class Americans and those struggling to reach the middle class." George Bush wants
to define this campaign in terms of right and left. John Edwards will
help make sure that it comes down to a discussion of right and wrong. This is not a debate Bush and Cheney want to go anywhere near. Because they know what will happen if the truth of Edwards' message is digested by the American public. Edwards has shown a commitment to putting poverty-fighting front and center in his campaign, sending a message that dates back to the beginnings of this country: We are all in the same boat together. "I want to take a moment to talk about something you're not hearing presidential candidates talk about enough," he said in his signature stump speech. "The tens of millions of Americans who live in poverty. We pass them on the streets in our cities. They are the families that crowd our shelters and turn to our small-town churches for food. In the America you and I build together, they will be forgotten no more." This powerful and
patriotic populist vision stands in direct contrast to the dark "every
man for himself" rallying cry of the conservative movement, which is
epitomized by Grover Norquist and the Leave-Us-Alone Coalition, founded
on a toxic mix of tax cuts and gutted social programs.
As Edwards put it during his presidential run (and will no doubt repeat many times now that he has a much bigger megaphone), "2004 is a make-or-break election because we need to create one America again. And that is the one thing George Bush will never do. Dividing us into two Americas -- one privileged, the other burdened -- has been his agenda all along." If it wasn't obvious in 2000, it certainly is now. Three. Without wearing it on his sleeve, Edwards' comfort with matters of faith, morality, and religion will allow Kerry and the Democrats to make an unabashed appeal to the millions of Americans whose spiritual beliefs are central to their lives. The Bush Republicans have made it clear they believe that God is on their side, blessing everything from the war in Iraq to the president's multitrillion-dollar tax cuts to the destruction of the environment. Edwards' central message of fairness and economic justice puts the question in play: Which is the true political morality? Opposing gay rights and abortion or heeding the Biblical admonition, "We shall be judged by what we do for the least among us"? During the Democratic debates, Edwards was asked if, like Bush, he felt God is on America's side. He responded by quoting Lincoln, who, when asked in the middle of the Civil War to join in prayer that God is on "our side," replied: "I won't join you in that prayer, but I'll join you in a prayer that we're on God's side." Edwards' championing of those left behind will help America reclaim the moral high ground that Bush abandoned. Four. Edwards can help Kerry ride the wave of idealism that was unleashed after Sept. 11. Rare among populist politicians, Edwards radiates optimism and inspires hope. "This election is not about what we are against," he said before the Iowa primary, "it is about what we are for. … We offer a new beginning for America based on hopes, dreams, and endless optimism -- not fear, greed and attack politics." This spirit is the
perfect antidote to the pessimism the GOP is desperately trying to tag
Kerry with. And it doesn't hurt that Edwards has got charm and charisma
to burn, is the most natural politician the party has to offer, has
a great story of humble beginnings and triumphing over adversity and
personal tragedy, and can move an audience to tears with his heartfelt
oratory.
Five. Edwards has made a very successful career out of eating folks like Dick Cheney for lunch in courtrooms all across America. He'll know exactly how to wield Halliburton like a stiletto. I give Cheney 30 minutes before he drops his first F-bomb. I can't wait. The Republican attacks on Edwards as "unaccomplished and inexperienced," "out there in left field" and, above all, "Kerry's second choice," sound like wishful whistling past the graveyard. Edwards' selection has not only energized the Democratic base -- which was pretty energized anyway -- it has, more importantly, the potential to arouse the dormant passion of the 50 percent of eligible voters who have given up on voting. All in all, not a bad payoff for a fallback plan. 11 July 04 Arianna Huffington is nationally syndicated columnist as well as an author of more books than you. To keep up on her latest missives and missions, stop by her personal site here. And don't forget to tell her Morphizm sent you.
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